Questões para Concursos

Text 10A1-II

Beverly Hannett-Price's 67 years teaching at Detroit Country Day School has earned acclaim and notice in the Guinness Book of World Records. An assembly Monday crowded with students and staff toasted the 90-year-old's decades of uninterrupted classroom instruction marking her the longest-serving female teacher of English as a foreign language.
“This historic recognition honors not only the length of Mrs. Hannett-Price's career, but the depth of her influence on students whose achievements span the worlds of entertainment, business, and the arts,” school officials said in a statement.
"She's had a lot of students and she kept in touch with me. She knew I needed more attention ... she befriended me. This is more than just a student-teacher relationship,” Courtney B. Vance, one of her former students, said Monday.
Guinness confirms Hannett-Price is the world's longest-serving female language teacher, based on verified, uninterrupted years of classroom instruction documented across multiple institutions. In a statement on their website, Guinness said that “This record honors her lifelong commitment to her students, her school communities, and the teaching profession as a whole.”
Hannett-Price is known for her innovative and engaging teaching methods and creative assignments. “Even after more than 67 years in the classroom, she continues to educate with the same enthusiasm and energy that defined the start of her career,” Detroit Country Day officials said.

Myesha Johnson. Detroit Country Day teacher’s long career sets a Guinness record. Internet: (adapted).

The changes to Earth’s natural patterns reveal an interconnected web of ecological systems that are undergoing profound changes beyond what many researchers have predicted. Scientists say the culprit is clear: Ever since the Industrial Revolution, the relentless burning of fossil fuels like coal, oil, and gas has been adding heat-trapping gases to the atmosphere, leading to a sharp rise in global temperatures. The hottest year in recorded history was 2024, and each of the 10 warmest years on record have come in the past decade.
Since 1997, when nations agreed to limit planet-warming gases as part of the landmark Kyoto Protocol, humanity has released more greenhouse gases than in all prior history. The temperature rise associated with the growing volume of heat-trapping gas has kicked in, and it is continuing to rise. And at the same time, the ability of the planet’s natural systems to absorb planet-warming gases like carbon dioxide appears to be diminishing.

David Gelles. One thing’s for sure, the weather is getting wilder. The New York Times International Edition, Nova York, 21-22 mar. 2026, p. 2 (adapted).

Considering the preceding text, judge the following items.

Hyundai Motor Group says it will roll out human-like robots in its factories from 2028, as major companies race to use the new technology. The South Korean firm showed off Atlas, a humanoid robot developed by Boston Dynamics, at the Consumer Electronics Show (CES) in Las Vegas on Monday. Hyundai says it "plans to integrate Atlas across its global network", including a plant in the US state of Georgia that was involved in a massive immigration raid in 2025. Other firms that have said they will use humanoid robots in their operations include Amazon, Tesla, and Chinese car making giant BYD.
The Atlas robots will gradually take on more tasks, said Hyundai. The firm owns a majority stake in Boston Dynamics, the technology company famous for Spot, the robot dog. Atlas, which is designed for general industrial use, is being developed to work alongside people and autonomously manage machines. Hyundai said the robots will help ease physical strain on human workers, handle potentially dangerous tasks and pave the way for wider use of the technology. The firm did not say how many robots it would initially deploy or how much the project will cost.

Internet: (adapted).

Considering the previous text, judge the items that follow.

Text 10A1-III

Language is not any arbitrary fact of colonialism. We ought to consider it as another form of violence imposed upon cultures by colonial rule, as devastatingly treacherous as any other. Of course, there is an obvious distinction between physical and linguistic subjugation, and the previous claim is not to erase this in any element. Linguistic violence itself persists long past the departure of the colonist, it is a violence committed against a very culture, one from which it may never fully recover. Language is not merely a group of symbols or words; this is clear from the fact that we see it as having been the object of colonial assault. Imperial powers recognized it as anything but arbitrary, or else it would not have even been seen as necessary to subject to the same ravage. We ought not to let the role of language in colonialism slip into the background. Language as a means of colonial dominance has too often been seen as a symptom of a larger colonial pathology, as a side-effect which does not require to be dealt with urgently or with equal dedication as with more wide-spread and common conceptions of colonial violence.
As a defining aspect of culture, language is not only the means by which we pass on culture or share it, but in order to do so it must, and does, carry on its back the entirety of a culture and civilization. Further, it acts as a collective memory bank of a culture's historical existence and experience. Because of this, the erasure of language is necessarily also the erasure of pre-colonial history. By systematically and aggressively burying a language, also buried with it is every historical event and every person who existed through it. Something as fundamental as it becomes, or rather, has been a way by which we perceive ourselves as well as where and how we exist among others. When one examines the colonial circumstance, they can see the ways in which the linguistic take-over by colonial powers posed an existential threat upon the colonized. To take away one's language is to take away their means of making themselves visible and perceiving themselves. The forceful imposition of colonial language on the colonized is not simply a matter of easy communication and convenience, it is to impose upon a group the task of supporting the weight of a culture which refuses to recognize them as human.

Ananya Ravishankar. Linguistic imperialism: colonial violence through language. Trinity College Digital Repository, 2020. Internet: (adapted).

Little attention has been devoted to legislation’s point of origin — the legislative drafting process. Such commentary as has been offered is essentially technical in nature. However, the relationship between drafter and text is the furthest thing from a technical, value-neutral enterprise.
For example: a question confronted by every drafter and one with obvious ethical and political implications is, “How much is to be left to the drafter’s discretion?” Obviously, the drafter who less frequently inquires about the client’s desires will have greater latitude to exercise discretion and accordingly can play more of an “advocacy” role in shaping the legislation, a situation which can lead to his or her sidesteping the duty of abiding by a client’s decisions concerning the objectives of representation.
But this is not to paint too malevolent a portrait of legislative drafting personnel. They are not a fifth column of subversives who pursue personal advocacy objectives in everything that they do. Indeed, many may even be unaware of their power. They are, though, continually called upon to exercise personal judgment in the performance of their duties. Such judgments are frequently policy judgments, and drafting decisions are often influenced consciously or subconsciously by the advocacy agenda of the individual drafter. The legislative drafter plays a more active role in the process than is generally accorded to the stereotypical scribe, laboring in nameless and faceless obscurity to produce a bill draft.

David Marcello. The Ethics and Politics of Legislative Drafting. In: Tulane Law Review, vol. 70, p. 2437, 1996 (adapted).

About the preceding text, judge the following items.

In recent years, awareness has grown of the scope and scale of violence and discrimination directed at lesbian, gay, bi, trans (LGBT) and intersex people around the world ⸺ including killings, torture, arbitrary detention and widespread discrimination in access to health care, education, employment and housing.
United Nations, regional and national human rights bodies have identified critical gaps in the implementation of international standards to address these and related violations, and have issued a plethora of recommendations, including, among them, the repeal of discriminatory legislation and measures to protect LGBT and intersex people from discrimination, violence, torture and ill treatment, and safeguard rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly.
Increasingly, governments are taking action ⸺ whether in the form of legislation and policy measures or through targeted social and education programmes. At the United Nations Human Rights Council, more than one hundred countries from all regions around the world have voluntarily committed to take measures to end violence and discrimination linked to sexual orientation and gender identity, based on recommendations generated during the first two cycles of the Universal Periodic Review.
However, serious challenges remain. While many countries have taken encouraging steps, in most cases, these efforts have fallen short of the concerted strategy required to tackle violence and discrimination against LGBT and intersex people. Even in countries that have arguably recorded the most progress in respect of the rights of gay men and lesbians, there has been far less attention given to protecting the rights of trans people and only incipient attention to the rights of intersex people.

United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). Living Free and Equal: What States are doing to tackle violence and discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex people. (2016). Internet: (adapted).

Considering the ideas and linguistic aspects of the previous text, judge the following items.

Electoral accountability is a distinctively democratic form of accountability. Since officials typically seek reelection or election to a higher office, this potential sanction is regarded as a powerful inducement for them to explain their actions to electorates and serve their electorates’ interests. In this conventional view, much of the activity of elected officials takes place “in the shadow of elections,” with the awareness that potential opponents may publicize their actions, if these seem likely to be unpopular with their electorates.
On the other hand, some recent work suggests that even in democracies, there is much less retrospective electoral accountability than the conventional view suggests. In a sense, this failure should not be surprising in light of democratic theory. Alexis de Tocqueville and John Stuart Mill emphasized in the mid-19th century the importance, for effective control of government, of alert and involved citizens. Alexis de Tocqueville observed that “the inhabitant of New England is attached to his township not so much because he was born there as because he sees in that township a free and strong corporation that he is a part of and that is worth his trouble to seek to direct.” Democracy, in Tocqueville’s view, also relies on the existence of multiple voluntary associations, linked to political associations in multiple ways. In the words of John Stuart Mill, “the rights and interests of every or any person are only secure from being disregarded when the person is himself able, and habitually disposed, to stand up for them.”

Robert O. Keohane. The Concept of Accountability in World Politics and the Use of Force. Internet: (adapted).

Considering the preceding text, judge the following items.

Text 11A1-IV

The more that you read, the more things you will know.
The more that you learn, the more places you’ll go.

Dr. Seuss. I can read with my eyes shut! New York: Random House, 1987.

Text 11A2-I

The exploration of bilingual education in Brazil reveals a landscape filled with significant challenges and promising possibilities. Inequalities between private institutions and the public sector perpetuate socioeconomic gaps and limited access to it.
Despite the increasing presence of bilingual education, many programs continue to operate under a monolingual mindset that emphasizes strict separation between languages and prioritizes linguistic accuracy over communicative practices. This perspective limits students’ opportunities to engage dynamically with multiple languages and hinders their development of linguistic mobility. To move beyond these limitations, it is crucial to foster intercultural competences. To do so, creating spaces where students can appreciate and interact with cultural and linguistic diversity becomes essential.
Central to this discussion is the concept of “funds of perezhivanie”, which integrates various theoretical and practical elements, encompassing experiences, knowledge, potentials, values, and emotions of individuals or groups accumulated throughout their lives. By recognizing these diverse experiences, educators can create a more inclusive and responsive educational environment that values the cultural and experiential diversity of students.
The concept of “interculturality” is also significant for our context. By exploring strategies for intercultural education, we conceive bilingual education as a possibility for the formation of subjects with an intercultural stance and with greater willingness and knowledge to face the inequalities imposed by our society. Crafting bilingual identities, in this sense, means forging spaces for the construction of intercultural and critical curricula. So interculturality, from the perspective we adopt, is not a theoretical position or a dialogue between cultures or philosophical traditions but a “position” or “disposition,” a “way of life”. An attitude of willingness to live “our” identity references in relation to “others” that opens the human experience toward a process of relearning and of cultural and contextual relocation, which allows us to perceive cultural illiteracies.
This leads us to the second challenge faced by public bilingual schools that can contribute to the formation of empowered and agentive global citizens: the need to move toward heteroglossic perspectives.
Heteroglossia is here understood in a broad sense, drawing on Bakhtin’s view of language as inherently plural, layered, and dynamic. According to Busch, this concept encompasses three interrelated dimensions: 1) Multidiscursivity refers to the coexistence of distinct speech types or discourses associated with particular social spheres, time periods, professions, or communities; 2) Multivoicedness highlights the presence of diverse individual voices within these discursive spaces. Every utterance is situated on the boundary between self and other and becomes meaningful only when appropriated and reaccentuated by the speaker; and 3) Linguistic diversity points to the multiplicity of languages and language varieties shaped by social differentiation.
Framing bilingual education through heteroglossic lenses challenges dominant monolingual and homogenizing ideologies. It invites schools to cultivate spaces where varied discourses, voices, and languages can coexist, interact, and contribute to the construction of knowledge.

Internet: (adapted).

The role of the police in a healthy democracy is radically different from their role in authoritarian societies. In autocratic regimes, the police serve mainly to protect not the people, but the regime. The police are therefore typically politicized, with appointments being part of the patronage system that rewards regime loyalists. Police officers spend a great deal of time spying on the populace to unmask political opposition; crime against citizens is less of a concern. Abuse and corruption are usually rife, because police are not held accountable for their actions. Rather, political leaders tolerate abuses by the police in return for police loyalty to the regime.
By contrast, in democratic societies the primary mission of the police is to protect citizens against crime and disorder, including illegal or corrupt behavior by officials. In democracies, police have carefully circumscribed roles that require close and positive relations with ordinary citizens. The use of arms and pursuit of criminals are rare and take up only a tiny fraction of police time. Instead, police officers spend the vast bulk of their time building relationships with the community through patrols, community-enhancing activities, and listening to citizens. The goal of democratic policing is to build a web of relationships between the community and the police that helps to control crime by making police aware of the persons and activities in the communities that they are assigned to protect and by inclining citizens to trust and cooperate with police. This also achieves the primary goal of making citizens feel secure in their daily activities, thereby fostering a climate that encourages increased legitimate business activity, investment, and planning for the future.

Michael D. Wiatrowski and Jack A. Goldstone. The ballot and the badge: democratic policing. In: Journal of Democracy, Volume 21, Number 2. Internet: (adapted).

Concerning the previous text, judge the following items.